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Zhou Xiaoming
Zhou Xiaoming
Zhou Xiaoming is a senior fellow at the Centre for China and Globalisation in Beijing and a former deputy representative of China’s Permanent Mission to the United Nations Office in Geneva.

Far from defensive, proposals such as the IPEF supply chain deal are designed to de-Sinacise critical sectors, prevent China’s rise and cut it off from the world.

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China has been a victim of Western sanctions for decades. The G7’s plan to take trade disputes into its own hands only weakens the WTO and suggests selfish geopolitical aims.

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The G7 summit’s failure to seriously address the deficit in funding for global development risks making it appear out of touch with the real world. By prioritising its geopolitical goals, the G7 is turning itself into an economic Nato and destroying global peace and prosperity.

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Dropping the term ‘decoupling’ in favour of ‘de-risking’ shows the US knows the damage its policies can do, but its behaviour towards China has not changed. With Washington using national security to justify its actions, it is unlikely to abandon moves such as blacklisting companies or restrictions on investment.

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Faced with US tariffs, investment curbs and export bans, China has simply opened its economy wider, working to protect itself and the stability of global supply chains. But if the US continues down the path, it will mean global disaster.

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The US move to form what would be a “critical minerals buyers’ club” goes against the WTO principle of non-discrimination. As an advocate and beneficiary of free trade, the EU has a huge stake in preserving the multilateral trading system.

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An incident with such grave environmental, energy and security implications should be properly investigated with the guilty party held accountable. Having appeared to blame Russia for the explosions, the US should welcome an international investigation – unless it has something to hide.

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Xi and Biden may have managed to avoid a US-China conflict in 2022, but their meeting won’t change the long-term course of bilateral relations. As long as Washington sees China as a threat to be contained, its provocations are unlikely to cease.

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Washington’s new assault on China, focusing on tech export controls, is a game changer, targeting whole sectors, redrawing global supply chains and remaking global trade rules.

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Washington says it wants WTO reform; in reality, it simply does not want to be beholden to a rules-based order it helped create. By blocking key WTO functions over its grievances with China, the US has turned a platform designed for cooperation into a cockpit for power contests.

China’s economy faces serious short-run challenges but is still in a better position than many to weather global economic headwinds. Strong exports, consistent leadership, pro-growth policies, a focus on innovation and continued foreign investment bode well for long-term prospects.

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Contrary to Western perception, Xi enjoys immense popularity at home. Under Xi in the past decade, China has become more prosperous and liveable. And amid trying times for the world, Chinese leadership continuity will mean policy continuity and predictability at home and abroad.

As the party that initiated the new round of tensions, Washington should make the first moves towards reconciliation, while Beijing could scale back military exercises in the Taiwan Strait. The two countries must also seize the opportunity of the G20 summit to set up a face-to-face meeting between their presidents.

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Few non-Western countries have answered the US’ call to economically isolate Russia, fearing the impact of disruptions to global production and trade on their own struggling populations. Meanwhile, countries like China have already felt the effects of US sanctions and have no desire to inflict them on others.

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The US is unwilling to donate vaccine doses to other countries at present, yet criticises China’s contributions to the global vaccine drive. In matters of public health cooperation, the Biden administration is looking a lot like the Trump administration.

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