Antony Blinken’s successful visit to Beijing has opened a window of opportunity to establish a more constructive and harmonious US-China relationship. Four principles from relationship therapy could be adapted to geopolitics and help the two sides forge stronger, more stable ties.

Recent earnings reports from Alibaba, Baidu and Tencent show optimism in an improved regulatory environment and a recovering Chinese economy. The achievements of Chinese tech companies in international markets showcase their entrepreneurial spirit and commitment to globalisation.

Both powers should restore cultural exchanges, academic ties, governmental dialogue and boost travel. Collaboration on shared challenges from pandemics to climate change will only increase their influence.

With Congress playing a bigger role than ever in the US-China relationship, it is important for Beijing to restart face-to-face interaction with US delegations. Engaging with US lawmakers will not be easy or without risk, but it is surely a greater risk not to engage with an increasingly hands-on Congress.

US lawmakers pushing for a ban should first clear up misunderstanding about the relevant Chinese laws and policy. Beijing’s Global Initiative on Data Security, in particular, clearly states respect for how other countries handle data, and could be the framework for work to bolster confidence in China’s data handling.

The signs are there: a pro-business cabinet, a big welcome for foreign investment and a big push for diplomacy, connectivity and sustainability. For many international companies, China will still be a major growth driver this year.

Suspicious of Beijing’s motives, the West has dismissed the plan for having no actionable solutions. But with leverage over Moscow and skin in the game, there is no other country better placed to mediate

Taking on autocratic powers has given the West a new-found sense of purpose, but it risks alienating those countries more concerned about economic struggle and the climate crisis.

Despite tensions over the South China Sea, the recent talks between Xi and Marcos shows Beijing’s readiness to woo Southeast Asia with trade deals. The meeting provides a model for strengthening ties and resolving disputes with other Asean members.

The lifting of Covid-19 restrictions means the resumption of international business, the revival of tourism and consumer spending, and the return of cultural exchanges. These benefits far outweigh any short-term disruptions or risks to the global economy.

With a lack of Chinese voices to balance the narrative, anti-China rhetoric has gradually permeated Western-dominated digital spaces. China must venture out of its own digital ecosystem and into the global online sphere to offer a fresh perspective.

China’s tech and trade offers dovetail nicely with Gulf ambitions to deepen ties with Asia in search of a cleaner, greener future.

The return of face-to-face meetings, the motivating effect of our grave global challenges and the moderating influence of ‘middle power’ multipolarisation all point to a revival of global cooperation.

The German chancellor’s short visit with a business delegation has broken important ground when Germany, like the rest of Europe, faces recession. German firms’ commitment to China suggests that, despite the talk of decoupling, the real momentum is towards more engagement with China.

China-US collaboration in research and innovation will be critical to addressing climate change, pandemics and other challenges that no country can handle alone. It is difficult to square the national security strategy’s avowed commitment to global cooperation on shared threats with its overriding emphasis on geopolitical competition, particularly with China.

With a clear victor on the battlefield unlikely, the best hope to end the bloodshed is a negotiated settlement, difficult as it might seem. China’s balancing act affords Beijing the necessary degree of influence and impartiality to help meditate a way out of the Ukraine crisis.

With the US-China rivalry intensifying, countries that economically or militarily depend on both powers are in increasingly difficult positions. China can better pursue its interests with these countries by increasing face-to-face interactions and strengthening human relations.

The EU is in a position to play a mediating role between the US and China, with all three coming to the table for regular high-level dialogue. Such a platform could start with urgent but non-contentious issues – global food security, climate change and infrastructure development.

US-China exchanges fell off a cliff amid tensions and the pandemic, but American policymakers, academics and business leaders still want to better understand China. Academic and cultural exchanges must be revived as soon as possible; cooperation is vital to address global crises.

The politicisation and divergence of data governance regimes threaten to create a spaghetti bowl of incompatible systems. The world needs a ‘Bretton Woods for data’ to pave the way for an institution to set rules on data governance and create a workable framework to govern digital matters and disputes.

The world order that drove globalisation is crumbling and being replaced with one based on security rather than economics. New security arrangements can lead to a spiral of mutual suspicion, stifle growth and innovation, and hamper our ability to address global threats like climate change.

Macron has been championing ‘strategic autonomy’ for the European Union at a time when the need for the EU to come into its own as an independent force for peace and international cooperation is greater than ever. His pragmatic and pro-business stance on China is also welcome.

Multinationals caught in geopolitical crossfire are finding that China continues to offer growth and opportunities, as long as they can find niches aligned with Beijing’s long-term development strategy.

Talk of a Sino-Russia-US ‘strategic triangle’ forces an outdated framework onto a changing, multipolar world and increases the risk of a great-power conflict. Such rhetoric is made more dangerous given that the real struggle of the 21st century – climate change – must be fought collectively, not between rival powers.

China’s story cannot be told in terms of GDP and bilateral trade alone. An effective way to boost credibility and emotional pull is to let diverse voices tell stories about China, forming a rich, eclectic non-governmental discourse.

With the US and Europe now seeking to outcompete China in funding infrastructure programmes across the developing world, the benefits of such goodwill can only be undermined by uncoordinated development.

China wants to be at the heart of ‘Economic Asia’ and is seeking to join trade pacts including the CPTPP. The US, meanwhile, wants to uphold its centrality in ‘Security Asia’ by forging narrow alliances, and continues to fail to engage on trade.

It is essential to welcome multinational enterprises by creating a more fair and open business environment. Attracting more multinational enterprises to China is an important way to nurture friendly and stable relations between China and other countries.

China’s accession to the WTO in 2001 reshaped the country and world trade, bringing great benefits to all. As the WTO opens a fresh chapter under new leadership, China is well-placed to help rebuild the organisation for the post-pandemic world.

The infrastructure spending sprees favoured by wealthy nations are out of reach for less-well-off countries. The AIIB has the scope and track record to expand its remit to a global level and help those left behind by the global recovery.